In the area of foreign relations, Washington has two parties but just one policy—that of war and imperialism. Donald Trump is no exception to this iron law, something already demonstrated repeatedly. His call to “Make America Great Again” means, in fact, “Make American Imperialism Great Again.”
Once his promises and populist speech have been stripped away, the facts speak for themselves.
No, Trump will not withdraw the United States from NATO. As a businessperson, he is simply applying to foreign policy the same tactic that earned him his real estate fortune—intimidation as a negotiating weapon.
He threatens to withdraw his country from the alliance (which would mean its dissolution) only to force a greater financial and military contributions from the member states and to produce an even more warlike alliance. It is no coincidence that, after his election as the new Secretary General of NATO, Mark Rutte said he was ready to collaborate with Trump.
Trump claims to want to disengage from financing the war in Ukraine and make peace with Russia. But this so-called peace will certainly not be negotiated between Putin and Zelensky. The framework agreement will be drafted in Washington, which will impose it on both parties—a sort of gunboat diplomacy that will give pride of place to the U.S. monopolies, which will impose their law with renewed vigor in the region and on the skin of working people of both countries.
On the subject of China, which he presents as his “systemic rival,” Trump seeks to increase and intensify military exercises in the South China Sea. His vision of the world perceives China as the main obstacle to the recovery of U.S. imperialist power, hence the urgency of waging a merciless trade war against it, accompanied by military pressure.
Attacking China also allows Trump to redouble his zealous anti-communism, which feeds into dangerous aspects of his political project at home: breaking unions, reducing wages, and gutting public services.
And in the Middle East? The United States has consistently supported the ongoing genocide in Gaza and Israel’s invasion of Lebanon. Trump instigated the Abraham Accords to normalize relations between Israel and Middle East countries in spite of the former’s occupation of Palestine.
Trump remains Netanyahu’s faithful ally, despite the latter being accused by the International Criminal Court, and he recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel by moving the U.S. embassy there in defiance of international law.
What prospect of peace can there be when the avowed plan remains total support for the main belligerent, and when Trump’s proposed Ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, states that “there is no such thing as the West Bank” and that the Palestinians “do not exist”?
With respect to Latin America, Trump tightened the U.S. blockade on Cuba during his first term, including by imposing 243 additional measures against the island while in the midst of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Matching words with actions, he defined Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua as the “troika of tyranny” and tried to foment a civil war in Venezuela, complete with threats of U.S. invasion and recognizing un-elected opposition leader, Juan Guaido, as the country’s president.
Trump’s choice of advisers and enforcers also reveal a lot about his administration’s plans. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, for example, promises to “prepare for a war with China, because China wants a different world order.” For all countries that refuse the yoke of U.S. imperialism, Rubio plans to impose coercive measures, including an intensification of the blockade against Cuba.
Some in the peace movement have foolishly claimed that Trump’s election “opens up prospects” for peace. They have learned nothing from the tragic lessons of history: Mussolini and Hitler also promised peace and prosperity for their countries, while in the midst of a capitalist crisis. Yet they were responsible for the massacre of Guernica and the butchery of World War II.
It is said that “peace is everyone’s business,” which means we need to unite all people and forces who want to thwart war plans. But we still need to expose the deception of those who use the language of peace to disguise war.
To oppose war without opposing the power of the corporate monopolies, to suggest that imperialism can be peaceful, or to promote the idea that “patriotic” capitalism confined to national borders is somehow a force for peace—this is to succumb to warmongering.
This article originally appeared Clarté, newspaper of the Parti communiste du Québec (PCQ-PCC). It was translated from French by People’s Voice. As with all op-eds published by People’s World, this article reflects the views of its author.
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