Low turnout and media manipulation maintain status quo in Irish elections
A man walks past a campaign poster in Dublin on Election Day, Nov. 29, 2024. The poster shows leaders Roderic O'Gorman of the Greens, outgoing taoiseach Simon Harris of Fine Gael, and Micheál Martin of Fianna Fáil. | Brian Lawless / PA via AP

DUBLIN—The Irish general election held last Friday is unlikely to bring a change in government. Despite the left-wing Sinn Féin achieving 19% of the vote—close to the two main government parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael—they are set to be excluded from government once again.

The ruling coalition, openly admitting its policies are diametrically opposed to Sinn Féin’s, will continue its agenda, exacerbating Ireland’s severe housing crisis, eroding state services through neoliberal policies, aligning with EU and U.S. militarism, and undermining the country’s neutrality.

Ireland’s electoral system operates on proportional representation through a single transferable vote (PR-STV), ensuring elected representatives closely reflect voter preferences. Voters rank candidates in order of preference, and a candidate must meet a quota to win a seat. Surplus votes from candidates exceeding the quota and preferences from eliminated candidates are redistributed until all seats are filled. While this ensures fair representation, it also requires a meticulous counting process that can take days.

Deepening crisis

Following a century of alternating control between Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, and their allies, Ireland faces deepening crises.

Nearly 15,000 people are homeless, rents are at record highs, and emergency accommodation is stretched beyond capacity. Over 40% of parents report missing meals to ensure their children have enough to eat. Hospital emergency rooms overflow with patients, with some dying due to delayed treatment, while healthcare workers emigrate en masse.

Ireland’s housing, healthcare, and cost-of-living crises are not isolated policy failures but the structural outcomes of a system prioritizing profit over people. Workers’ share of national income has fallen steadily, reflecting decades of policies that favor big business and property developers over public welfare.

The government’s response has been superficial—offering voters short-term financial incentives instead of meaningful reforms. Sinn Féin, by contrast, has proposed detailed plans to address the housing crisis, expand free primary medical care, and lower the cost of living.

Ireland’s foreign policy, too, has drawn criticism, including for allowing the U.S. military to transit its airspace amid the Gaza crisis.

Shifting ground

Fine Gael’s campaign stumbled amid public backlash. Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Simon Harris faced criticism for dismissively turning away from a distressed care worker, with his team accused of attempting to manipulate media coverage to discredit her. This incident highlighted what many see as a lack of empathy and accountability in Fine Gael’s leadership.

In contrast, Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald has been praised for her compassionate and relatable approach, starkly contrasting with Harris and Fianna Fáil’s Micheál Martin.

Polling reflects these sentiments, showing Fine Gael’s support slipping and Sinn Féin gaining ground. Once dominant, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil now command about 40% of the vote combined—down from 81.8% in 1982.

Sinn Fein President Mary Lou McDonald celebrates with supporters after arriving at the count at the Royal Dublin Society in Dublin, Nov. 30, 2024. | Peter Morrison / AP

The electorate’s increasing openness to alternatives suggests the era of their political dominance may be ending.

Low turnout and media manipulation

Voter turnout, at just under 60%, the lowest in over a century, reflected widespread disillusionment in the parliamentary system—over 40% of the electorate clearly have given up on it.

Sinn Féin lost ground due to a hostile media campaign in addition to the rise of far-right xenophobia, exacerbated by U.S., Israeli, and British online campaigns directed against Sinn Féin and its leader, McDonald, in relation to immigration into Ireland.

Both the public and private media bias against Sinn Fein is legendary and at election times gathers steam. But the public national broadcaster, RTÉ, has outperformed itself in its biased approach to the party in the run-up to the election and during it.

This contrasts markedly with the positive spin it gave to the outgoing coalition government parties. Perhaps this latter point is no surprise. RTÉ has this year been embroiled in huge financial scandals. Nevertheless, the government, rather than completely reform the organization, has given the broadcaster a bailout of €750 million ($787 million USD). The dogs in the street call it a bribe.

RTÉ was also critical of Sinn Féin for pledging to conduct a review of the national broadcaster’s coverage of the Gaza genocide if elected. This stance aligns with the views of many within the Palestine Solidarity Movement, who have long felt that the resistance movement has been unfairly and disparagingly portrayed.

Further, Sinn Féin suffered a backlash due to its stance in the recent referendum to remove the word “woman” from the Constitution—alienating some working-class voters. These factors combined overshadowed Sinn Féin’s bold economic and social proposals, which pose a genuine threat to the establishment parties.

Majority oppose neoliberalism

Nevertheless, Sinn Féin achieved notable successes. Finance spokesperson Pearse Doherty secured the highest vote count nationwide. In Galway West, Sinn Féin’s Mairéad Farrell topped the poll as the first woman ever to do so in the constituency, joined in second place by Independent Catherine Connolly in a historic left-wing victory. In 14 constituencies, Sinn Féin topped the poll and has more legislative seats than Gine Gael and their former coalition partners, the Greens, together.

For over a century, voters have been told there is no alternative to the dominant parties. Sinn Féin’s success, alongside gains for other left-wing candidates, signals growing support for policies prioritizing public needs over private profits.

If you combine the 40% of eligible voters who no longer participate in elections with the 20% who cast their votes for Sinn Féin, it is evident that a majority opposes neoliberalism and should now bring their demands to the streets.

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CONTRIBUTOR

Jenny Farrell
Jenny Farrell

Dr. Jenny Farrell is a lecturer and writer in Galway, Ireland. Her main fields of interest are Irish and English poetry and the work of William Shakespeare. She is an associate editor of Culture Matters and also writes for Socialist Voice, the newspaper of the Communist Party of Ireland.

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