The despicable fascist Trump rally at Madison Square Garden highlighted the enormous danger posed by MAGA and the stakes in the Nov. 5 election. Full of virulent racism, misogyny, and anti-immigrant hate, the rally was deliberately meant to invoke the infamous 1939 fascist rally at the Garden, minus the swastikas and Nazi salutes.
The event came on the heels of alarming comments by Generals Mark Milley, Stanley McChrystal, and John Kelly and Trump Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, confirming that Trump was “fascist to the core.”
Democracy, as limited, fragile, and flawed as it is, and the nation’s social fabric is on the ballot. If Trump and Republicans win, they will implement their Project 2025, or the lesser-known but equally dangerous America First Policy Institute agenda, to impose a permanent dictatorial, white Christian Nationalist regime.
A majority of Americans oppose Project 2025, Trump, the mass fascist movement, and the fascist billionaires and white Christian nationalists backing him. This anti-MAGA majority has defeated Trump and MAGA in every election since 2016, turning out at even higher rates after the MAGA-dominated U.S. Supreme Court repealed the federal right to an abortion in 2022.
But to defend constitutional democracy, the anti-MAGA majority, which some call a “popular front,” must show up again and defeat Trump and down-ballot GOP candidates, especially in the battleground states needed to win 270 votes in the Electoral College.
The anti-MAGA majority reflects an exceedingly broad, multi-racial, multi-gender, multi-generational, multi-class, diverse, and sometimes contradictory electoral coalition that has grown in breadth, consciousness, and cohesiveness as the MAGA threat has increased.
While this electoral coalition may differ on various issues, Democrats, Independents, and right-of-center Republicans are primarily united in defending constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the peaceful transfer of power.
The more voters are aware of and alarmed at the fascist danger, the more likely they will vote. Kamala Harris understands this, and her closing argument focuses on the peril to democracy, especially women’s reproductive and health rights.
Harris’s campaign has momentum, massive, exciting rallies, record small-dollar donations, and an army of hundreds of thousands of volunteers knocking on doors, phone banking, texting, and sending postcards to battleground states. Democratic enthusiasm is also measured by early voters, including first-time voters, turning out strong for Harris.
This anti-MAGA majority electoral coalition includes the broad base of voters aligned with the Democratic Party; nearly all organized labor, the overwhelming majority of African Americans, significant majorities of Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, Native Americans, Asian American Pacific Islanders, and Jewish Americans, a majority of women, LGBTQ, seniors, and young people.
The coalition includes reproductive rights, voting rights, environmental justice, disability rights, immigrant rights, and other mass democratic movements, as well as artists, professional athletes, academics, opinion makers, and influencers. Former Trump administration officials, including military generals and other national security officials, are also included.
According to the Harris campaign, the base constituency voters are on target to turn out at 2020 levels. The campaign and its democratic allies are appealing to them on economic equality, social justice, and defending democratic rights, primarily reproductive rights.
A faction of the capitalist class and section of business also backs Harris, including many corporate CEOs. They view Trump’s economic record and policies as disruptive, chaotic, and damaging, instead favoring the predictability and stability they think her economic policies will bring.
The anti-MAGA majority coalition also includes many traditional GOP voters. Over 4.4 million Republicans voted for Nikki Haley in the GOP primaries to protest Trump and millions more stayed home. The Harris campaign is making a concerted appeal to them and other undecided “Never Trumpers.” Approximately 36% of Haley voters say they will vote for Harris.
These GOP voters could potentially tip close contests in the battleground states. As a personal aside, while canvassing, this writer has encountered these lifelong GOP voters torn between voting for Harris or not voting, particularly Republican women who made up much of the Nikki Haley vote. They can’t bring themselves to vote for Trump but are not yet convinced to vote for Harris.
Liz Cheney, Adam Kinzinger, other former GOP elected officials, and Republicans for Harris wouldn’t be possible without significant grassroots GOP support. They are creating a permission structure for other GOP voters to vote for Harris.
This is not an insignificant cohort, and winning these voters does not contradict turning out base Democratic and Independent voters. Every one of these constituencies is essential to victory.
And Harris is not moving to the right to win these so-called “double haters.” They are wrestling with voting for Harris even though they oppose her and Democrats on nearly every issue, except the defense of constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the peaceful transfer of power.
For these Republicans, the Jan. 6 coup attempt was a bridge too far, as are Trump’s 34 felony convictions, his pathological lying, being held liable for rape, stealing of national security secrets, corruption, business fraud, and polarizing hate and chaos.
The Harris campaign is also appealing to women with MAGA spouses, including reminding them that no one, including their husbands, needs to know what they do in the privacy of the voting booth. The Harris campaign is also challenging men lured by MAGA’s toxic masculinity. As Michelle Obama so eloquently said at the Kalamazoo campaign rally, the reproductive rights and health crisis facing women created by MAGA abortion bans affects not only the women in their lives but also affects them.
Some progressive voters and organizations are disappointed Harris is not staking out more advanced, left positions, thinking this would broaden the coalition and inspire more voters to turn out. Others believe that by embracing Republicans, she is sacrificing Democratic base voters.
But Harris, who seems to have her finger on the political pulse of mainstream voters, is not speaking to the left only. She is the spokesperson of the anti-MAGA majority coalition and is pitching an agenda and narrative to motivate and unite this majority.
Naturally, such a broad, diverse coalition in defense of constitutional democracy, will not see eye to eye on every issue. Organizations and activists should and will continue to express their differences. But, most progressives also understand that victory for Harris and Democratic Congressional majorities will shift the political balance and open up new opportunities to leverage progressive policies. Harris can be influenced, while Trump, who will make it much harder to operate politically, cannot.
This debate is playing out around the war in Gaza. Palestinians, Arab Americans, and those calling for a cease-fire and self-determination for Palestinians are understandably angry with the Biden administration’s policies. As a result, Trump and third-party candidates have made some inroads with these voters.
But many Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim voters, including leaders of the Uncommitted movement, also see how much worse it will be for Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank, and the U.S. if Trump is elected.
“Voting for Harris is not a personal endorsement of her or of the policy decisions of the administration in which she served,” read a statement by Arizona Arab, Palestinian, and Muslim Democrats. “We know that her decisions as president will be shaped by the larger Democratic Party coalition that includes a growing force pushing for Palestinian human rights….”
“In our view… allowing the fascist Donald Trump to become President again would be the worst possible outcome for the Palestinian people.”
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